A Fiji women’s coalition has praised the confirmation of 56 female candidates for the 2018 Fiji national elections next week, but warned over the lack of diverse young women in national decision making.
Diverse Voices and Action for Equality (DIVA) said in a statement today women were under-represented at all levels of decision making in Fiji, including formal and informal governance processes.
This meant women – including diverse young women – did not have equal influence over policy decisions that affected their lives.
The Fiji Young Women’s Forum (FYWF) congratulated six young women candidates under 30 years of age, saying it looked forward to engaging in their leadership
However, FYWF also noted a lack of representation of diverse young women in decision making at the national level and said this was expected to increase in the future.
“It is critical to recognise that with continuous and effective support, the self-determination of all young women regarding the formation of an accountable and transparent government that will in turn help to advance all diverse young women’s social, economic and political statuses,” said FYWF.
Exercising their rights The forum also called on young women to realise the significance of active political participation and exercising their rights in community and national levels to enact change.
With awareness through civic education, young women were better informed of their constitutional rights and were able to confidently assert themselves in their communities, said FYWF.
“As diverse young women we face multiple forms of discriminations because of our age, sex gender, and psycho social disability.
“FYWF envisages a future where we have the freedom to express our views, opinions and political beliefs in safety and with dignity with no fear of retribution or violence.”
The Emerging Leaders Forum Alumni (ELFA) said effective, equal and safe political participation of women and young women was vital for a strengthened democracy promoting gender equality and women’s human rights.
FemLINKPACIFIC stressed the community media contribution.
Accessing information “”We recognise the need for young women to access key information and communication platforms to actively participate in civic dialogue, decision making and lead shifts in public and political opinion,” it said.
femLINKPACIFIC called for continued investment in young women’s empowerment for increased participation.
The Fiji Young Women’s Forum (FYWF) is a space for diverse young women leaders to articulate their needs, rights and perspectives on Fiji’s political transition and strategise for moving Fiji forward.
The past five forums saw young women leaders continuing to make visible their opinions, particularly in the national election process.
Former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark is the new patron for the National Council of Women and she shared her stimulating thoughts and insights at the national conference in Auckland yesterday.
In an interview format with NCW chief executive Dr Gill Greer, Clark talked about violence against women, pay equity, leadership, abortion law reform, and sustainable development aid in the Asia-Pacific region.
Clark is a former administrator of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The conference theme was He Toa Takitini – “strength in diversity”.
The Pacific Media Centre’s Del Abcede, of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), was on hand at Mount Wellington to get some pictures.
He Toa Takitini – ‘strength in diversity’
1. “All that separates whether of race, class, creed or sex, is inhuman and must be overcome.” – Kate Sheppard. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
2. Former Prime Minister Helen Clark … keynote speaker in interview. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
3. Former PM Helen Clark being interviewed by National Council of Women chief executive Dr Gill Greer. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
4. He Toa Takitini …. “Strength in diversity”. The theme of this year’s NCW national conference. Image: De; Abcede/PMC
5. Scenes from the NCW national conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
6. Scenes from the NCW national conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
7. Scenes from the NCW national conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
8. Scenes from the NCW national conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
9. Scenes from the NCW national conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
10. Vira Grace Paky of UN Youth Auckland at the NCW conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
11. Pacific Media Centre and WILPF’s Del Abcede at the NCW conference.
12. Former PM Helen Clark at the NCW conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
13. Helen Clark with Ruth Coombes of WILPF at the conference. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
14. Helen Clark with the PMC’s Del Abcede at the conference.
15. A cartoon message for men – “listen!” Image: Del Abcede/PMC
16. He Toa Takitini – “Strength in diversity”. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Tui O’Sullivan (right) with Tagaloatele Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop at the Pacific Media Centre recently when retiring. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
PROFILE:By Leilani Sitagata
Educator and kuia Tui O’Sullivan has recently retired from Auckland University of Technology after close to 40 years of service.
Born and breed up North in the heart of Ahipara, she says choosing to do tertiary study was the right choice for her.
“Growing up as a young girl you were told to pick from three directions – academic, commercial or homecraft,” O’Sullivan says.
“I never had a burning desire to become a teacher, but it just seemed like the best fit for me to follow that path.”
Over the years, O’Sullivan (Te Rarawa and Ngati Kahu) gained a Bachelor of Arts, Master’s in Education (Māori), a Diploma in Ethics and a Diploma in Teaching.
“Coming from a town where you didn’t know names, but everyone was Aunty or Uncle, Auckland was by far a change of scenery.”
O’Sullivan was appointed as the first Māori academic at AUT, then AIT.
Tui O’Sullivan at her recent Auckland University of Technology farewell on Ngā Wai o Horotiu marae. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Evening classes She says she taught evening classes on literacy twice a week and had many people from the Pacific wanting to improve their written and oral skills.
“A number of them were members of church groups who wanted to polish up for competitions involving writing and speaking.”
Alongside the night classes, O’Sullivan was involved in the formation of the newspaper Password.
“We formed a newspaper which explained certain things about living in New Zealand, among other things like the Treaty of Waitangi and Māori culture.”
O’Sullivan says there was an increasing number of immigrants to her English classes and Password helped with their immersion into a new culture.
While working in general studies, she says she helped teach communications English and basic skills to full time students, predominantly young men.
However, women started to come along to O’Sullivan’s teaching and the numbers slowly grew.
Tui O’Sullivan (right) with fellow foundation Pacific Media Centre advisory board member Isabella Rasch. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
First women’s group O’Sullivan was part of the creation of the very first women’s group on campus.
“A senior lecturer approached a couple of us women staff asking if we could keep an eye out for the young women and be an ear should they need that.
“From there Women on Campus developed which looked after the interests of women students and staff members.”
She said they switched the name of the group over the years because what they originally chose didn’t have a ring to it.
“We were called Women’s Action Group for a while, but WAG didn’t sound too good.”
Another first for the university was the establishment of the Ngā Wai o Horotiu marae in 1997 which Tui said she’ll forever remember.
When the marae was officially opened more than 1000 people turned up to celebrate the momentous occasion.
Students and staff at the Pacific Media Centre’s farewell for Tui O’Sullivan. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Emphasis on diversity The marae opening signified AUT acknowledging the Treaty of Waitangi and further emphasised the diversity within the university.
“The majority of staff here have had this willingness and openness to support and promote success for Māori and Pacific students.”
When asked what was one of the most gratifying times for her during her time at AUT, O’Sullivan simply says applauding the young people who cross the stage.
“I always seem to end up with lots of those lolly leis because people end up with so many, and they get off-loaded to me.”
O”Sullivan says that over the years she’s never missed a graduation for her faculty regardless of how many there are.
“Seeing students wearing their kakahu or family korowai, and others who have grown to learn more about their whakapapa and their place in the world.
“Those are the most rewarding times for me.”
O’Sullivan was the equity adviser for the Faculty of Creative Technologies and lectured in Te Tiriti o Waitangi and community issues. She was also a strong advocate of the Tertiary Education Union (TEU) and a foundation member of the advisory board for AUT’s Pacific Media Centre from 2007.
She insists she hasn’t left a legacy but has been part of an ever evolving journey that AUT is going through.
Tui O’Sullivan (centre) with Pacific Media Centre director Professor David Robie and advisory board chair Associate Professor Camille Nakhid. Image: Del Abcede/PMC
Headline: Gender and diversity research at AUT turns 10
By Helen Twose in Auckland
Auckland University of Technology’s Gender and Diversity Research Group has reached a significant milestone, celebrating 10 years of research and debate on gender and diversity issues within the community.
Formed in 2007 with the aim of establishing a network of researchers within (and beyond) AUT who share an interest in gender and diversity, the research group has developed a thriving research community the institution and internationally through an active research programme of applied and theoretical research, and contributing to new approaches to gender and diversity research in the academic community.
The group commemorated the significant milestone with a research day that included reflection and looking backwards as well as looking forward and imagining new futures for gender and diversity research, said Professor Judith Pringle, founder of the Gender and Diversity Research Group.
“Particularly pleasing was the high attendance from a broad range of people, from academics to those outside the university, including business community and NGOs, who have a very high commitment to reducing inequality among groups, organisations and society,” Professor Pringle said.
Beginning with a keynote from Professor Pringle looking at the evolution of gender and diversity research over the last 30 years, which has fed into the strong establishment of gender and diversity research at AUT, the day included an in-depth discussion from emerging scholars looking at the importance of Māori research and knowledge and its place in academia, the #MeToo movement, and the role of arts in gender and diversity research.
Turning to the future, the group envisioned an “ideal” world without gender and diversity inequality, and how to get there. In the words of one participant: “My two favourite ideas I took from the day are the need to build strong networks within your community of work and the re-imagining of research”.
Event organisers, Dr Katherine Ravenswood and Dr Barbara Myers, said that while the group’s success and longevity was significant – especially in an environment which has seen the demise of Women’s Studies programmes and research groups at universities in New Zealand – it was also confronting.
Valuing Te Ao Māori research In spite of increased attention to issues of discrimination, the topics addressed on the day, such as sexual harassment, the valuing and contribution of Te Ao Māori research, gendered occupational segregation and glass ceilings, were just as pertinent as 10 years ago.
“The need for the critical, brave research this research group conducts has not diminished. As participants discussed we need to continue to build communities, develop new research methodologies, and to continue to tell the stories and experiences of women from a feminist perspective,” they said.
Key research undertaken by the group includes :
Submission on the 2017 Draft Employment (Pay Equity and Equal Pay) Bill and research into the gendered valuing of work
Research into the careers of older women self-initiated expatriates
Commissioned research into women’s careers in the professions, such as law
Supporting the development of feminist teaching and research through development workshops
Postgraduate scholarships to encourage new and emerging researchers
Headline: Racist reporting still rife in Australian media, says new monitoring report
New research shows Muslims are more negatively portrayed in the media than other groups. Image: Lukas Coch/AAP/The Conversation
By Dr Christina Ho in Sydney
Half of all race-related opinion pieces in the Australian mainstream media are likely to contravene industry codes of conduct on racism.
In research released this week, the Who Watches the Media report found that of 124 race-related opinion pieces published between January and July this year, 62 were potentially in breach of one or more industry codes of conduct, because of racist content.
Despite multiple industry codes of conduct stipulating fair race-related reporting, racist reporting is a weekly phenomenon in Australia’s mainstream media.
We define racism as unjust covert or overt behaviour towards a person or a group on the basis of their racial background. This might be perpetrated by a person, a group, an organisation, or a system.
The research, conducted by not-for-profit group All Together Now and the University of Technology Sydney, focused on opinion-based pieces in the eight Australian newspapers and current affairs programmes with the largest audiences, as determined by ratings agencies.
We found that negative race-related reports were most commonly published in News Corp publications. The Daily Telegraph, The Australian and Herald Sun were responsible for the most negative pieces in the press. A Current Affair was the most negative among the broadcast media.
Chart 1: Number of race-related stories by outlet and type of reporting. Source: Author
Muslims were mentioned in more than half of the opinion pieces, and more than twice as many times as any other single group mentioned (see chart 2).
Chart 2: Number of race-related stories by outlet and ethnic minority group. Source: Author
Portrayed more negatively Muslims were portrayed more negatively than the other minority groups, with 63 percent of reports about Muslims framed negatively. These pieces often conflated Muslims with terrorism. For example, reports used terrorist attacks in the UK to question accepting Muslim refugees and immigrants to Australia.
This was a recurring theme in race-based opinion pieces over the study period. In contrast, there were more positive than negative stories about Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islanders.
Chart 3: Number of stories by ethnic minority group and type of reporting. Source: Author
Negative commentary about minority groups has lasting impacts in the community. An op-ed in The New York Times recently highlighted the impact that racism in the media has on individuals. It explained:
…racism doesn’t have to be experienced in person to affect our health — taking it in the form of news coverage is likely to have similar effects.
The noted effects include elevated blood pressure, long after television scenes are over. Racism is literally making us sick.
Note also that given the lack of cultural diversity among opinion-makers, particularly on television, social commentators are largely talking about groups to which they do not belong. According to the 2016-20 PwC Media Outlook report, the average media employee is 27, Caucasian and male, which does not reflect the current population diversity of Australia.
This creates a strong argument for increasing the cultural diversity of all media agencies to help minimise the number of individuals or groups being negatively depicted in race-related reports.
Our research echoes the findings of the UN expert panel on racial discrimination, which reported last week that racist media debate was on the rise in Australia. The UN recommended the Australian media “put an end to racist hate speech” in print and online, and adopt a “code of good conduct” with provisions to ban racism.
Urgent recommendations Our report makes urgent recommendations to strengthen media regulations in relation to race-based reporting, to support journalists to discuss race sensitively, and to continue media monitoring.
While media regulations enable audiences to make complaints about racism in the media, under some codes, audiences have only 30 days to do so. The research report recommends that this deadline be removed to allow audiences to make complaints about racist media content at any time.
It also calls for the definition of racism be broadened in the codes of conduct to include covert forms of racism. Covert racism includes subtle stereotyping, such as the repeated depiction of Muslim women with dark veils, implying secrecy and provoking suspicion.
News agencies need to do more to help journalists address race issues responsibly. They can do this by providing training, recruiting more journalists of colour, and ensuring that their editorial policies are racially aware.
The media are meant to hold up a mirror to society. When it comes to race-related reporting, we need a more accurate portrayal of the successes of Australian multiculturalism.
Dr Christina Ho is senior lecturer and discipline coordinator in Social and Political Sciences, University of Technology Sydney. Priscilla Brice and Deliana Iacoban from All Together Now, a not-for-profit group working to combat racism, also contributed to this article. Republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence.
Headline: Bryce Edwards on Labour’s demographically challenging party list
Analysis by Dr Bryce Edwards – Labour’s demographically challenging party list
Challenging demographic requirements in Labour played a part in causing this week’s difficulties with its party’s list.
Creating and announcing Labour’s party list for the 2017 election was clearly a challenging affair. Part of this difficulty was due to the very strong desire and, in fact, requirement that the party improve the demographic diversity of its caucus make up. The party has struggled in the past to elect enough women – currently only 39 per cent of Labour’s caucus – as well as ethnic minorities to Parliament (as have other parties).
But the party list creation has also been challenging due to other factors, with various incumbents and new candidates being promised high list places. As debated earlier in the year, renegade Maori politician and broadcaster, Willie Jackson was strategically recruited from the Maori Party, in a deft move to attempt to stymie the looming alliance between the Maori and Mana parties, which had looked likely to be a major challenge to Labour’s hold on the Maori seats.
Labour’s new talent on show
For the clearest roundup of who’s benefitted or been disadvantaged by the manovering and various agendas in Labour, see Jo Moir’s Winners and losers: Who is up and who is down on the Labour Party list? She says the winners are: Priyanca Radhakrishnan, Jan Tinetti, Raymond Huo, and Willow-Jean Prime. The losers are deemed to be Trevor Mallard and Greg O’Connor, while Willie Jackson is categorised as an “inbetweener”.
Despite much controversy and internal party drama about its release, there’s actually been plenty of positive commentary about the list. For example, yesterday’s Dominion Post editorial declares it “a relatively strong list” – see: Botched announcement masks a reasonable list. The newspaper comments that “it’s been clear for several election cycles that Labour’s rump caucus has too many MPs who are past it. This list helps some of them to move on, and puts a bunch of new faces into winnable positions”.
Leftwing blogger No Right Turn makes some similar points: “The most obvious feature is the generational shift within Labour – the old guard time servers are out, retired or shoved down, while MPs elected at the end of the Clark years are firmly in charge. There’s also a greater emphasis on new blood rather than incumbent protection, which should help overcome the stale feeling of the party” – see: Labour’s list.
Patrick Gower points out that the Jackson controversy was allowed to overshadow what should have been a story about the great new talent in the party: “It is unfortunate because it should be about the rise of newcomer Willow-Jean Prime. Rather than Willie’s falling star, the story should be about Willow-Jean’s rising one. This should have been a story about how Willow-Jean Prime was an outstanding new candidate with a high list spot. She is a lawyer, young mother, a Far North district councillor. She does it all – and has got it all. She is Maori, likeable, she fights for the North, is battle-hardened after the Northland by-election – and most importantly, she’s real” – see: Labour’s list is about Willow-Jean Prime, not ‘sooky-bubba’ Willie Jackson.
The likely demographics of the next Labour caucus
There’s been plenty of congratulations for Labour’s presentation of a more demographically representative party list. But what will the next caucus actually look like?
The most interesting analysis comes in David Farrar’s Labour’s likely demographics. Any such analysis has to be based on a prediction of what sort of party vote figure Labour will get, and in this case Farrar bases his “on an assumption of them having 35 MPs, being 27 electorate and eight list, representing 29% party vote.”
In terms of gender, Farrar suggests Labour MPs will be 54 percent male (compared to 48 percent of the adult population), and only 46 percent female (compared to 52 percent of society). Farrar comments: “So once again Labour has ignored their requirement to have gender equality. Only at 35% party vote do they get equal number of women and men in caucus.”
In terms of ethnicity, the following categories are likely: European 49% (69%), Maori 31% (13%), Pasifika 14% (6%), and Asian 6% (12%). Farrar comments: “A huge over-representation of Maori and Pasifika in their caucus and under-representation of Europeans and Asians (compared to population).”
Perhaps the most interesting point he makes is that under numerous party vote scenarios, the party will have failed to produce the required 50:50 gender ratio in its caucus. For example, if Labour gets 35 percent of the vote, its caucus is likely to have “a male-female ratio of 23:19”, and if the party gets only 30 percent of the vote, the ratio is likely to favour men, 19:17.
So, has the party actually adhered to its own constitutional rules? It needs to ensure 50 percent of the caucus are women. And if it hasn’t, then could legal action be taken? This is entirely unlikely according to public law expert Andrew Geddis – see his blog post, Why Matthew Hooton is wrong – again.
And in terms of Labour’s improving Asian representation, there might still be cause for unrest. Yes, there are high list spots for Priyanca Radhakrishnan and Raymond Huo, but according to Richard Harman, “the next Asian candidate on the list after them is Philippino Romy Udanga in position 46. There are another six Asian candidates below him, but they are unlikely to make Parliament” – see: Dodging Labour’s Indian mutiny.
Harman reports that “there appears to be trouble within its ethnic base in Auckland”, especially with the withdrawal from the list of former candidate Sunny Kaushal, who explains he withdrew because of “ongoing hostilities and bullying from some of the Party Membership and Hierarchy that I have been subject to”. See also, Harman’s Mallard bottom MP on Labour list.
Demographic wars in Labour
The controversy over Willie Jackson’s list placing has come about because of the difficulty Andrew Little has had in delivering on his promise that his new recruit would secure a top ten list position. Although Little, as leader, was central to the list ordering process, it seems that he was outmanoeuvred in his attempts to get Jackson a more winnable position.
Getting Jackson a higher position was made more difficult because of the new rule in the Labour Party constitution that requires the caucus to be at least 50 percent female. Sam Sachdeva explains: “A further wrinkle is the party’s requirement for gender balance: rule 8.47 of its constitution states the ranking committee must ensure that at least half of its MPs are women, taking into account likely electorate results. Based on current polling, Labour could win 36 seats. However, if it retains the 27 electorates it currently holds (15 of which have male candidates, and 12 female) that leaves space for only nine list MPs – at least six of which would have to be women to ensure gender parity. That is in part responsible for the predicament Jackson finds himself in” – see: Labour list delay reveals cracks in unity.
Little’s promise of a high list place for Jackson was necessary to lure Jackson away from what was seen by many as a sure win for him in Tamaki Makaurau for the Maori Party. And it is significant that Little was not able to deliver on the promise.
As Audrey Young writes, this was a blow to Little’s leadership and authority: “It was not unreasonable of Little to have made the public promise to Jackson. Having lured him away in February from a high-paying broadcasting job and a likely candidacy with the Maori Party, a public statement by Little was a signal to the party that this was his call. It wasn’t a decision made by Little because of the calibre of the candidate. It was a perfectly legitimate ‘Captain’s Call’ made by Little for legitimate strategic reasons in the wider interests of the party” – see: Labour leader deserves more respect from his party executive.
Young says that Labour’s party hierarchy – the list committee and New Zealand Council – “blocked Little’s bid to make good on his pledge, and that “Little deserves more respect from the party’s New Zealand Council.”
According to Chris Trotter, the agenda of gender equality was simply stronger than Little strategic maneuvering with Jackson: “Willie failed to grasp I think, and maybe even Andrew did too, just how firm Labour is – in terms of the party organisation – in ensuring gender equality” – see Newstalk ZB’s Willie Jackson’s list placement down to gender equality – analyst.
Some voters might be put off by the apparent reduced emphasise on meritocracy in the creation of the party list. And for arguments about this, watch Mike Hosking’s Labour’s list another bungle.
But for a defence of Labour’s mechanism to ensure gender diversity in its caucus, Simon Wilson says: “No, it’s not a ‘man ban’. Men are obviously not banned. It’s gender balancing to reflect the party’s desire to overcome unconscious and historical biases, and if you’re worried about that ask yourself if there’s a better way of getting roughly equal numbers of men and women in Parliament. Yes, it does frustrate the ambitions of some male candidates and their supporters. But it will also delight some women candidates and their supporters. And is there anyone who wants to argue our Parliament will be worse off for having more women in it? Didn’t think so” – see: It’s not just about Willie: sizing up the Labour Party list.
And for an even more strongly-worded case for Labour’s diverse demographic project, see Gordon Campbell’s On the kerfuffle over Willie Jackson’s list ranking. He paints a picture of any opposition to such identity politics as being misogynistic and racist, and even accuses the Labour leadership of playing into that: “Willie Jackson has already been brought on board, to show us the fun-loving side of misogyny.”
Campbell actually foresees this latest split as merely the beginning of a gender/culture identity politics divide in New Zealand politics for the election campaign, and that “All up, this year is shaping up to be a testing time politically for the nation’s blokes.” He concludes, “In the end, the likes of Willie Jackson and Shane Jones will cost their respective parties as many votes (especially among women) as they attract. Essentially, Jackson and Jones represent a nostalgia trip back to an era that really wasn’t so great at the time, especially for women and ethnic minorities. Which could help explain why, beneath their surface jollity, both men seem to be so angry.”
Poor political management
Regardless of the merits of Labour’s candidates and their demographics, there’s clearly been some poor political management of Labour’s list. This is spelt out best by Barry Soper, who says: “One would have thought before Labour made public when it’d be announcing its list, it would have ironed out those who could have been disgruntled with it. Yet again they’re spilling their guts in public, being forced to delay their announcement until this morning to give them time to either placate Jackson or to send him up the political creek without his waka” – see: Willie Jackson ranking latest headache for Andrew Little.
In failing to get a high list spot, Willie Jackson seems to have been given the consolation prize of being made Labour’s “Maori campaign director”. But could this be a big mistake? Rob Hosking thinks so: “That leaves him incentivised to pull in a different direction. On the face of it, he has been told to deliver those electorates for Labour, and certainly, they will be critical to the party’s chances of forming a government at the end of September. But the fewer Maori electorates Labour wins, the better Mr Jackson’s chances are of getting into Parliament on the party list. Most of Labour’s Maori electorate candidates are below a winnable position on the list: This is a deliberate challenge to voters in those seats to vote Labour, and not the Maori Party. So, depending on Mr Jackson’s performance as campaign director, this could yet backfire on Mr Little” – see: Willie Jackson’s 21st party fizzer (paywalled).
And it’s clear that Jackson’s integration into Labour – as a candidate and campaign manager – still isn’t accepted entirely accepted by many in the party – see Jo Moir’s Willie Jackson’s role in the Labour Party is still a bone of contention. She reports that Labour MP Poto Williams still appears reluctant to show any support for him, and Tamaki Makaurau MP Peeni Henare was less than enthusiastic in his response to Jackson getting the new party job.
Finally, how much does the Labour Party really care about championing those MPs who achieve progress for working women? For although much of the focus of Labour’s party list has been on Willie Jackson and the demographics involved, less attention has been given to the surprise resignation of Labour MP Sue Moroney, who was essentially demoted by her party. For the best analysis of this, see Chris Bramwell’s Labour Party listing early in election voyage. She reports: “RNZ understands she was blindsided by her party. Ms Moroney is a hard-working, tireless MP who pushed hard for an extension to Paid Parental Leave and on closing the gender pay gap. However, she was a huge David Cunliffe supporter and it’s possible that counted against her with the committee that decides the list placings.”
All items are contained in the attached PDF. Below are the links to the items online.
Journalists find there is a tension between honouring tikanga and needing to file stories to a deadline, says Julie Middleton. Image: 123RF
There are still too few Māori in New Zealand’s newsrooms, media researcher Julie Middleton says.
Middleton, who has worked for the New Zealand Herald, the Listener, the Sunday Star-Times and the Guardian, is studying for a doctorate at Auckland University of Technology’s School of Communication Studies.